One week from now, Greece will find itself at yet another unwelcome crossroads. It is difficult to
overstate the importance of what could be the country’s most important moment
since the fall of the military junta, in 1974.
The choices are stark; the potential consequences dramatic. But the various economic alternatives provided by a panoply of parties from the
radical left to the centre-right pale into insignificance when compared with
the existential choice between democracy and thuggery, civilisation and
barbarism presented by the neo-Nazis of Golden Dawn.
The gradual re-entry of violence into the political process
has been one constant feature of the Hellenic Republic’s slow descent into hell
over the past few years. Unfortunately,
it took a televised incident to shock a nation that had so far been all too acquiescent
to that violence into a very necessary debate.
But truth be told, the smacking of veteran communist MP Liana Kanelli by
the neo-Nazis' spokesman was nothing but the very public
tip of an iceberg of terror and intimidation.
In fact, party-affiliated thugs have been threatening and assaulting journalists, left-wing
politicians and, especially, migrants for several years, often with impunity,
in much the same manner as Hitler’s brownshirts in early thirties Germany.
The daughter of the party’s loud-mouthed Führer, Mikhaloliakos, was thus arrested alongside two MPs during an assault – vigilante man-hunt would perhaps be more
appropriate – on migrants in the centre of Athens. A Jerusalem Post reporter witnessing a
similar confrontation was, in turn, attacked by an angry masked mob. There are several instances of Greek journalists being intimidated by members of Golden Dawn. The problem is, of course, that these
incidents were not broadcast on live
television.
Mikhaloliakos himself is on the record as praising the leaders of
the 1967 military coup, and denigrating the value of the democratic process by
claiming that ‘elections have never saved Greece’, as clearly seen and heard in
this video. Even more alarmingly, there
are persistent rumours of collusion between elements of the police and members
of the party (although hyperbolic claims that '50% of the security forces voted for the party' should be taken with a large grain of salt, considering the necessarily scant circumstantial evidence they are based on).
This combination of thuggery, fascist anti-constitutionalism
and possible ties to elements within the security forces would pose a problem to any democratic
polity; in a country with Greece’s history, it presents a potential
time-bomb. The fractures of the 1946-49 civil war were only summarily taped over in the 1974 post-dictatorship
constitutional arrangement known as the ‘metapolitefsi’. For someone – anyone – to be allowed to
campaign on a platform that would tear them open once again is beyond
comprehension.
Is it really this hard to ban a party that brazenly
challenges the state’s monopoly of legitimate force, openly advocates the subversion of Greece’s constitution and unashamedly
boasts a programme that violates many of the most fundamental points of the
European Convention and UN Declaration on Human Rights?
There is indeed a cacophony of choices for Greece's voters come June 17th. But abolishing electoral democracy and civilisation itself should not be among them.
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